Afro Bolivians are Bolivians of African ancestry
Most, if not all, were brought as
slaves to work for European colonizers. African slaves may even have
been a part of Francisco Pizzaro’s expeditions in Upper and Lower Peru.
They originated in different areas of Africa, including Congo, Angola,
Senegal, Mozambique, Ivory Coast, and Ghana, and in most cases were brought to
Upper Peru from Lima or Buenos Aires, cities that did a lively trade with
slave merchants. Afro-Bolivians have always had a strong sense of being
negros (their preferred term), and of possessing cultural and linguistic
values that set them apart from the remainder of their compatriots, indigenous
and mestizo.
Afro-Bolivians celebrating over an allocation of land "HAY NEGRITUD DEBAJO DEL ECUADOR ~ THERE'S BLACKNESS BELOW THE EQUATOR"
The history of
Blacks in Bolivia dates from colonial-era Peru, when Africans were imported as
slaves to labor in the silver mines of the Peruvian viceroyalty. By the turn
of the seventeenth century hundreds of thousands of Africans had been imported
into Spanish America (Bowser 1974, 37), and by 1611 some 6,000 Black and
Mulato slaves worked the upper Peruvian mines of Potosí (Klein 1986, 32).
Africans were also imported as slave labor to work coca-leaf plantations in
the semitropical provinces of Nor Yungas and Sud Yungas (M. Léons 1978).
Emancipation was legislated in Bolivia's constitution of 19 December 1827;
political debates delayed its enforcement until 1851.
Afro-Bolivians
typically refer to themselves as "Negros" (Blacks). Black
intellectuals introduced the term "Afro-Boliviano" in the last
quarter of the twentieth century, and by the early 1990s the term has found
its way into usage among Black urban migrants living in La Paz and more
generally among Bolivia's intelligentsia. "Negrito" (Little Black)
and "Moreno" (Brown) are the terms most commonly used by Bolivians
when referring to Blacks; however, Blacks find the diminutive offensive.
Afro-Bolivians use the term "Mulato" to refer to a Black of a
lighter skin color. "Mulato" in its more common usage in Bolivia
refers to the the offspring of Whites or Hispanics and Black people. "Zambo"
refers to someone of mixed Indian and Black parentage; it is mainly used
derogatorily.
Location. There are
Afro-Bolivian communities throughout Bolivia, especially in the semitropical
climates of the departments of La Paz, Santa Cruz, Beni, and Cochabamba. The
largest concentrations of Blacks are found in the lowland provinces of Nor
Yungas and Sud Yungas in the department of La Paz. Several communities of
Black agriculturists are located in each of these provinces, such as Chicaloma
and Chulumani in Sud Yungas and Mururata and Tocaña in Nor Yungas. The
Bolivian Yungas are characterized by heavy rainfall and a mean temperature of
23°C.
Besides rural
agricultural communities, there are migrant communities of Afro-Bolivians in
all major Bolivian cities. In La Paz, Afro-Bolivians live mainly on the
outskirts of town, especially in the rapidly growing areas of El Alto and
Villa Fatima. Because of inconsistent migration patterns, there are no
well-defined Afro-Bolivian neighborhoods in La Paz. As migrants from rural
villages arrive in La Paz, they settle in the poorest neighborhoods.
Participation in social activities, music ensembles being the most important
example, is central to Afro-Bolivians' establishment of a subjective sense of
community. These groups are based on common origin, for example the province
of Nor Yungas. They chose a central location within the city to meet, thus keeping
transportation costs and accessibility approximately equal for all members.
Demography.
Estimates of the population of Afro-Bolivians range as low as 6,000 to as high
as 158,000, or 2 percent of Bolivia's population. These estimates vary widely
because census figures for Bolivia do not include racial differentiations.
Afro-Bolivian kids
(23 September every year has been declared as National Day of Afro-Bolivian
people.)
Linguistic
Affiliation. Afro-Bolivians throughout Bolivia speak mostly Spanish. The
Spanish spoken by rural Black agriculturists is a dialect, and Afro-Bolivians
maintain a small vocabulary of words of African origin. In the province of Sud
Yungas and, to a lesser extent, in Nor Yungas, Blacks also speak the Aymara
language.
The semitropical
provinces of Nor Yungas and Sud Yungas are located on the eastern side of the
Andes; the mountainous topography is dense with vegetation. Afro-Bolivian
communities in Nor Yungas include Tocaña, Mururata, and Chischipa. Coroico is
the nearest regional town and political center, and several Afro-Bolivian
families live and work there. In Sud Yungas are the villages of Chulumani,
Irupana, and Chicaloma, which is also known as pueblo de los negros (village
of the Blacks). Like most rural Bolivian villages, Afro-Bolivian villages have
a small plaza circumscribed by a church, a schoolhouse, and one or more
stores.
In the
Afro-Bolivian village of Tocaña, homes are scattered up and down the sides of
a small mountain and connected by footpaths. Each dwelling consists of either
a single two-story adobe structure or two to three separate single-story
structures. The living, sleeping, and dining areas are together under one
steel roof, and they are non-compartmentalized. If a house has a second story,
it is commonly a storage area. As a separate structure, the kitchen can be as
simple as a covered fireplace, or it can be a complete rectangular adobe
building with a thatched or steel roof and a door. Single-story homes often
have a third structure used as a storage room. Each household sits on a small
plot of land (less than one-tenth of a hectare). Families also have more
substantial plots of land (up to 1.5 hectares) that they farm. As of 1992
there was no potable water system in Tocaña, nor was there electricity or
adequate sanitation facilities such as household latrines.
In the city of La
Paz, Afro-Bolivian migrants live throughout the poorest neighborhoods. If they
have a house, it sits on a small plot of land (less than one-tenth of a
hectare) and is typically of brick and enclosed by a brick wall. The central
living and dining area is one large room, with the sleeping area separated by
a wall or a curtain. The kitchen is often separated from the house. As of
1992, most migrant Afro-Bolivian families lacked necessities such as
electricity and adequate sanitation.
Subsistence and
Commercial Activities: Afro-Bolivians of Nor Yungas and Sud Yungas are
primarily agriculturists. Cash crops include coca leaf, coffee, citrus fruits,
cacao, and many varieties of bananas and plantains. Coca leaf is the primary
crop; it is a durable plant, and the same fields can be harvested several
times each year. Coca leaves are hand picked and dried in the sun before being
bagged. Afro-Bolivians refer to each 30-pound bag as a sexto, and these bags
are brought to regional markets, such as those in Caranavi and Coroico, where
they are exchanged for cash. The cash value of coca leaves fluctuates
dramatically throughout the year depending on the size, color, and quality of
the leaves.
During the harvest
of citrus fruits and coffee, trucks arrive directly from La Paz to carry the
produce to markets. Truck owners act as middlemen, paying Afro-Bolivians a
small fraction of what the produce sells for in the city.
Rural
Afro-Bolivians partially subsist on their crops and the chickens they raise.
Men hunt wild game, and to further complement their diet and add variety, both
men and women travel regularly by truck to large regional markets. Besides
food, they purchase clothing and household, agricultural, school, and other
supplies.
Owing to racism,
Afro-Bolivian migrants have a difficult time finding decent jobs in the city
of La Paz. Both women and men are often able to get work as domestic servants;
however, it is more difficult for men to secure this type of employment. Some
men find jobs as shop clerks or professional drivers.
Some migrants
maintain important links with relatives in the lowland Yungas villages. By
traveling back to their villages, working in the fields during harvests, and
trading store-bought goods with their friends and relatives, migrants return
to the city with agricultural produce such as citrus fruits, bananas, and
plantains.
Division of Labor.
Adults and children work year-round at agricultural tasks. Men often organize
themselves in groups of two to six and work in their different fields on a
rotating basis. The work includes chopping, thrashing, and burning of trees
and large brush; clearing fields; and tilling so that the fields can be
planted.
Women work in
smaller groups while simultaneously caring for preschool-age children. Women
participate in all but the heaviest chopping and clearing of fields; they
mainly plant and harvest. Besides their agricultural and child-care
responsibilities, women cook, do the laundry, and wash the dishes. Both men
and women shop at the weekly markets.
Land Tenure. Both
men and women inherit land, and each family often has several different plots
that they work. Ideally, each family will have plots in different environments
on the mountain. Most families have coca-leaf fields on the sunny or dry side
of the mountain, and other fields in the denser jungle where they grow bananas
and plantains.
Kinship: Afro-Bolivians
reckon kinship bilaterally. They refer to one another by endearing nicknames
(e.g., "Mastuco," meaning "large" or
"full-bodied"), by relationship— abuela (grandmother), tio (uncle),
suegra (mother-in-law), and the like—and by fictive or ritual kinship terms
such as comadre (comother) and compadre (cofather). Compadrazgo is an
important fictive-kinship institution among Afro-Bolivians, and such
relationships are formed for the sponsorship of weddings, baptisms, the
raising of a roof, and even the purchase of an automobile.
Marriage and
family:Although legal marriage is common among Afro-Bolivians, a couple often
lives together and has children for several years before they can afford to
marry. Divorce and serial polygamy are not uncommon among Afro-Bolivians.
After divorce women often remain single and raise children, whereas men
migrate to another part of the country in search of work and sometimes
remarry.
Aymara-speaking
Blacks of South Yungas frequently intermarry with Aymara Indians and mestizos,
a strategy to elevate the social status of their children (M. Léons 1978).
Afro-Bolivians of Nor Yungas, however, are by and large endogamous.
Interethnic relations between Blacks and the Aymara are quite different in Nor
Yungas. Although some Aymara families live in mainly Black agricultural
communities, there is often racial tension between the two groups, and
intermarriage is infrequent.
Socialization.
Young children accompany their mothers during the day as they work in the
fields: it is the mother who is mainly responsible for rearing and
disciplining children. Children attend primary school in their own communities
and secondary school in a nearby regional town. Because of the distance,
teenagers attending high school often live with a relative in town or find
room and board, returning to their families only for weekends.
Socio-political
organization:The Afro-Bolivian community of Tocaña has a democratic syndicate
political system similar to those found in rural communities throughout
Bolivia. In 1952, when agrarian reform was instituted in Bolivia, the
government authorized these local political organizations as a replacement for
the outlawed hacienda (plantation) administrations (W. Léons 1977, 31).
Syndicates are hierarchic boards of political secretaries elected by adult
community members. The secretary general holds the position of leadership in
the community and may retain it for consecutive one-year terms, provided the
community is content with his or her performance and the individual is willing
to continue to hold office. Local syndicates are intended to give agricultural
communities political representation at regional and national levels.
Melina Avendaño,
born in Cochabamba on December 2, 1985. She is the daughter of a Yungas and
Chuquisaca, lived from age 3 in the city of Sucre where he earned the title
Queen of Sport 2003 and Miss Body Fitness 2005. The 2007 made history by
becoming the first (and so far only) Afro-Bolivian who has participated in the
Miss Bolivia, Miss toting band Chuquisaca.
From 21 years old
and was a student of Laboratory Medicine at the Universidad San Francisco
Xavier de Chuquisaca, Melina fulfilled one of his goals to represent our
department in the national pageant, calling the attention of the press from
previous activities, entered Quickly favorite group on the final night and
reached the position of second runner.
Another form of
political organization pertains to social activities, such as sports and
music. These organizations form the basis for community solidarity. The
officers of these groups—presidents, vice presidents, secretaries of
conflicts, and treasurers—are called dirigentes (directors). Although there
are local and national governmental organizations in place in La Paz, migrants
have recourse only to these social organizations; hence for migrants these
serve as the central political organizations. In 1992 women held most of these
offices through which they both organized social life and addressed economic
concerns.
In Sud Yungas,
Blacks rejected the syndicate political system. The small sizes of their
settlements were not conducive to the syndicate organization, and,
additionally, Blacks viewed the syndicate as an Indian institution. In
Chicaloma, Afro-Bolivians replaced the local hacienda administration with a
junta, a cooperative work group. This allowed them political autonomy such as
the Aymara have through syndicates and was commensurate with the dispersed
nature of Afro-Bolivian settlements. Juntas draw their membership from a cross
section of age groups (W. Lions 1977, 32).
Conflict. There is
competition and racial tension between the Aymara and Afro-Bolivian migrants
in La Paz and, to a lesser degree, between the Aymara and rural
Afro-Bolivians. In the city of La Paz, Afro-Bolivians face heightened forms of
racism and discrimination in their daily lives. Afro-Bolivians are in direct
competition for jobs with Aymara Indians, who are the largest ethnic group in
La Paz. As early as the days of colonial slavery in the highland mines of
Potosí, the Aymara mocked Black cultural traditions, especially in a dance
(performed in blackface while drumming and singing) called saya or tundiki.
These Aymara
dance practices continue in the 1990s and are one source of racial tension
between Afro-Bolivians and Aymara in La Paz. Migrants attend informal public
forums that they call debates, where they openly address their grievances with
the Aymara and express their experiences of being a small Black minority in a
country dominated by Indians. Among their complaints are the superstitious
beliefs some Bolivians have regarding Blacks (e.g., that seeing a Black person
or offering one a glass of milk can bring good luck). The saya or tundiki
occasions much resentment. At debates held in 1992, Afro-Bolivians said they
felt marginalized and that they believed that Aymara migrants had better job
opportunities than did Blacks.
LA PAZ,
BOLIVIA - FEBRUARY 15: Afro-Bolivian members from Yungas region dance at the
official stage as part of the 55 Jiska Anata groups parade during the 2010
carnival on February 15, 2010 in La Paz, Bolivia. ?El Chuta? is a traditional
prehispanic dance practiced in La Paz and its surroundings. (Photo by Jose
Luis Quintana/LatinContent/Getty Images)
Religious Beliefs.
Like most Bolivians, Afro-Bolivians are Christians. Most rural Afro-Bolivians
of Nor Yungas, however, attend the regional Catholic church in the town of
Coroico only for baptisms and other life-cycle ceremonies. A priest from
Coroico occasionally visits outlying agricultural communities such as Tocaña
and Mururata to say Mass. Like most rural Bolivian villages, each
Afro-Bolivian village has a patron saint, and communites celebrate their
patron saints with fiestas lasting up to several days
According to local
mythology, during Bolivia's independence struggle (1809-1825), the Virgen de
la Candelaria saved the people of Coroico from an army of Royalists sent by
the Spanish Crown. Surrounded, the unarmed vecinos (local non-indigenous
Spanish speakers) abandoned their homes and went to church to pray.
Afro-Bolivians, along with all the people of the region, celebrate 20 October
as the day the Virgen de la Candelaria descended from the sky on a cloud, and,
with her army of patriotos (patriots), defeated the Royalist forces. The
largest regional patron-saint fiesta is in the town of Coroico. Afro-Bolivians
contribute to the celebrations of the Virgen de la Candelaria by singing a
song dedicated to her. This song is part of their saya music tradition (see
"Arts").
Alejandro Fernandez
Gutierrez, “Santo Patrono San Benito,” a procession of the saint’s image in
the Aymara and Afro-Bolivian town of Coripata, La
Paz, 2009. This celebration
is one of many held annually throughout Central and South America for San
Benito de Palermo, especially in areas with historically Black populations.
In Kinky Gazpacho: Life, Love
& Spain, author and journalist Lori L. Tharps writes,
Professor [Isidoro]
Moreno had explained that the [African] slaves [in Spain, since the
mid-1400s] had their own confraternities or religious brotherhoods, which was
one of the only ways they could exercise some control over their lives.
They could gather freely in the church and participate in the same holy day
festivals as the Spaniards and conduct their business with some autonomy…
On one side of the
church I found a small statue of someone who I assumed was a Black saint.
He had dark skin, wore a gold-tinged robe, and carried a heart and a cross in
his hands. At his feet were two ceramic pots with fresh flowers. The white
and blue pots both read “Hmdad de los Negritos” (Brotherhood of the
Blacks). The plaque under the statue read “San Benito de Palermo.”
Apparently he was the patron saint of this brotherhood. I almost wept
with emotion, realizing that the slaves’ existence in Seville had been
preserved. My people had stood in this church, sung here, and worshiped
here…How was it possible, I wondered, that when I asked some random
people on the street why this church was called the “Chapel of the Little
Black People,” they had no idea.
Ceremonies. The
Afro-Bolivians of Nor Yungas have a ceremonial monarchy, which is part of a
long lineage of kings. Earlier in the twentieth century, King Bonifacio
Pinedo, who lived in the village of Mururata, was recognized as the
Afro-Bolivian king. He wore a cape and crown for major celebrations,
especially Easter. When King Bonifacio died in the 1960s, no immediate heir to
his throne was crowned until his grandson Julio Pinedo became king in 1982.
Arts. Among both
Afro-Bolivians of Nor Yungas and Afro-Bolivian migrants in La Paz, music,
dance, and poetry are the most important forms of artistic expression. In 1982
Afro-Bolivians of Nor Yungas revitalized much of their traditional music.
Before this, they participated in the brass-band tradition that became so
important to Bolivians during the mid-to late twentieth century.
Among the
revitalized traditions are saya, a song genre that serves Afro-Bolivians as a
means of maintaining and transmitting their oral history; mauchi (funeral
music); baile de tierra (traditional wedding music); and zemba, a lively
combination of drumming and dance that was formerly associated with the
Afro-Bolivian monarchy (Pizarroso Cuenca 1977, 73).
Singing is the most
prominent aspect of Afro-Bolivian music. All of the genres except mauchi
include accompaniment by several different drums, and saya adds bells and
scrapers.
The manufacture of
musical instruments is considered an art, and community instrument makers are
recognized for their talents. Especially important are saya drums, long bamboo
scrapers called cuanchas, and colorful drum mallets called haucañas (an Aymara
term). Saya drums are of three different sizes, and each plays a unique rhythm
that interlocks with the other two. The largest drums are the asentadores,
and, as the name suggests, they "set" the beat. Second in size are
cambiadores, which interlock a triplet pattern with the basic duple
established by the asentadores. The smallest drum is the gangengo, which
interlocks an upbeat pattern with the asentador.
 |
| Afro-Bolivian Drummers - Saya Drums |
In the saya
tradition, both men and women dance, but they form two separate dancing
groups. The captain of the dancers wears sets of bells around his legs. The
bells worn around his left leg are pitched higher, and they lead the women
dancers. On his right leg, the captain wears a lower-pitched set of bells that
lead the men. Afro-Bolivians point out that the bells also symbolize the
chains and shackles worn by their enslaved ancestors.
Both the writing
and reciting of poetry are highly valued forms of artistic expression. In
Tocaña and La Paz, community poets recite during brief interludes at public
musical performances. Their poetry often addresses Afro-Bolivians' struggles
against racism and discrimination.
Death and
Afterlife: Afro-Bolivians consider their mauchi tradition to be a vestige of a
lost Afro-Bolivian religious practice. Mauchi is sung by men after a burial as
friends and relatives walk back to their village from the cemetery, and it is
sung on Todos los Santos (2 November). In mauchi, men join their hands
together and form a large, closed circle. One community elder leads the
unaccompanied singing, and the other men respond.
further readings:http://www.personal.psu.edu/jml34/afrobol5.pdf
JUNE
20, 2011
Bolivia has a king.
And he is not one of indigenous descent, but surprisingly, African. Julio
Pinedo—one of the many Afro-Bolivians who make a living growing coca—found out
a few years ago that he is a direct descendant of Bonifaz, a tribal king from
Central Africa. Now, he’s the country’s first Afro-Bolivian king in 500 years.
Julio Pinedo is the first
Afro-Bolivian king in 500 years
“I had no idea
about my royal lineage,” he says, humbly. “I knew my ancestors were, like
other Africans, brought to work in the Bolivian gold and silver mines of
Potosí. But because of the weather—it was too cold for the Africans to stay
there—the Spaniards realized that they were losing slaves and had to move the
‘Afros’ to a place where the climate was friendlier.”
It was his
great-grandfather who moved from the mines to the coca fields in Los Yungas
region. There, others recognized his royal lineage but protected his identity
from the patrons. That is until a secret crowning of Julio’s grandfather,
“Bonifacio I,” in 1932. His grandfather, who was then leading the personnel at
a country estate, raised King Julio “Bonifacio” Pinedo.
Years later, his
crowning was not only a surprise for him as it was for many to find out that
Afro-Latinos live in Bolivia.
Julio Pinedo greets
the audience after being crowned as the Afro-Bolivian king by members of the
community of African descendents that live in near La Paz, Bolivia.
So then, in what
some label as a political move to make the world aware of the Afro-Bolivian
presence, the community decided to go big and crown him at a ceremony in the
country’s capital, La Paz, in December 2007. The dances, chants and drums of
their ‘Saya’ music, inundated the city for a whole morning. “It was a glorious
day,” the shy and silent King recalls from the small village of Mururata.
But this royal
picture is not as glossy as it seems.
Most Afro-Bolivians, including King Julio Pinedo, are poverty-stricken farmers that work all the year round, harvesting the coca leaves, citrus, coffee, banana or yucca, and hacking into the hard red earth with hoes. They are the poorest group inside South America’s second-poorest country, after Guyana.
 |
| Afro-Bolivians putting their culture on display. Photo: Courtesy of Andres Schipani. |
One of them is José
Iriondo, who back in 1967 fought with the Argentine-Cuban revolutionary
Ernesto “Che” Guevara in eastern Bolivia. “When I was with Che I learned that
we have to fight till the end. And I am now still fighting for the rights of
the Afro-Bolivians, because we have to keep fighting,” he says.
Today, he works
seven days a week and earns less than $30 a week, struggling to make ends
meet.
Until recently more
than 35,000 poverty-stricken Afro-Bolivians, like Mr. Iriondo, felt overlooked
and even discriminated against. But now, for the first time since they arrived
in Bolivia as slaves in the sixteenth century, attitudes toward them seem to
be slightly changing. He feels happy that Afro-Bolivians are now recognized by
the new Constitution pushed for by the country’s first indigenous president,
Evo Morales, and passed by national referendum in January 2009. And now,
finally, they have representation.
 |
| Protest for Afro-Bolivian rights in Sucre. |
Jorge Medina used
to run the Centro Afroboliviano para el
Desarrollo Integral y Comunitario (CADIC) until he was elected as
the first-ever Afro-Bolivian congressman a year-and-a-half ago. “I feel proud
of being Afro-Bolivian and now, most of all, of representing my people. At
last, we have an Afro-Bolivian with a voice,” he explains, adding that “the
fact that we back this process of change led by an indigenous president does
not mean the Afro-Bolivians are from the party of this indigenous president,
simply that this process of change is allowing us and other voiceless peoples
to show ourselves.”
Jorge Medina
Barra,Afro-Bolivian leader
Now, that they have
grown stronger, they have developed links with several networks of
Afro-descendants, mostly in Latin America and the Caribbean. “We are now
working together on issues such as racial equality, to stop with racial
discrimination, xenophobia, and intolerance around the region. We still have
to work on that, Bolivia is still a racist country on several fronts.”
So nonetheless,
despite the reforms adopted by President Morales to end discrimination against
indigenous people and other vulnerable groups, such as the Afro-Bolivians, Mr.
Medina warns the Afros are still at a disadvantage. “So we cannot rest, we
still have to keep fighting for our rights; there is still discrimination and
racism and people that want to put us down.”
Back in his town of
Mururata, King Julio Pinedo feels “good and tranquil” in his role of having to
be always watching over the needs of the Afro-Bolivian communities. But he
echoes Mr. Medina’s views, and feels there is still some way to go: “We were
slaved but we are not slaves anymore. Yet it is complicated because not many
people understand us, and what we are fighting for.”
